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The Canadian government’s involvement in distributing harm reduction supplies and prescribed safer supply medications, funded by taxpayer money, is a scandalous betrayal of public trust, funneling resources into a system that effectively bankrolls drug use under the guise of public health. This report exposes the grim reality of these programs, which provide free drug paraphernalia and pharmaceutical grade opioids to addicts, placing the financial burden on hardworking Canadians while enriching corporations and shielding corrupt politicians and executives who profit from this insidious business scheme. For decades, dealing drugs was a criminal offense, yet now the government has positioned itself as a legalized drug dealer, hiding behind flimsy laws and manipulative rhetoric about harm reduction. This is not compassion, it is a calculated enterprise that prioritizes corporate profits and political agendas over the well being of communities ravaged by addiction. Below, every facet of this operation is laid bare, naming the companies, the executives, the politicians, and their connections, while highlighting the taxpayer money squandered and the profits reaped by those orchestrating this travesty.
The Canadian government, through programs like the Substance Use and Addictions Program and regional health authorities, has committed hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to supply drug users with free paraphernalia and medications. Budget 2023 alone allocated over 144 million dollars to the Substance Use and Addictions Program, with over 400 million dollars invested since 2017 in more than 380 projects, including 100 million dollars specifically for safer supply initiatives. In British Columbia, an additional 22.6 million dollars was earmarked in Budget 2021 to expand prescribed safer supply services, directly funding the distribution of items like crack pipes, needles, and naloxone, as well as medications such as methadone, buprenorphine, and hydromorphone. These programs, managed by health authorities like Vancouver Coastal Health and funded by federal and provincial governments, are not about saving lives but about creating a dependency on government handouts that keeps addicts trapped in their cycles while corporations rake in profits. The public is told this is harm reduction, but it is nothing more than a state sponsored drug distribution network, with taxpayers footing the bill for every pipe, needle, and pill.
The harm reduction supplies, particularly crack pipes and needles, are a cornerstone of this scheme, distributed freely to addicts under the pretext of reducing disease transmission. Vancouver Coastal Health has been handing out safer crack kits since 2011, each containing shatter proof glass stems, mouthpieces, brass screens, alcohol swabs, push sticks, and baggies, all paid for by taxpayers. These kits are not manufactured by health authorities but sourced from companies like Exchange Supplies, a United Kingdom based firm that specializes in harm reduction equipment. Exchange Supplies sells crack pipe kits, such as the ES Short Glass Pipe, for prices ranging from 2.34 pounds to 258 pounds per box of 100, profiting directly from bulk sales to Canadian health authorities. The company, operating out of Dorchester, Dorset, markets itself as a social enterprise, but its revenue model depends on government contracts, making it a direct beneficiary of taxpayer money. While specific executive names for Exchange Supplies are not publicly listed, the company’s board of directors oversees a lucrative operation that thrives on the addiction crisis, with no transparency on how much profit is pocketed from these sales. The lack of public financial disclosures from such companies raises red flags about accountability, as they quietly amass wealth while Canadians are told their money is saving lives.
Needles and syringes, another component of these programs, are supplied by major medical corporations like Becton Dickinson and Company and Terumo Corporation, both global giants with operations in Canada. Becton Dickinson, based in the United States, is led by CEO Christopher DelOrefice, who oversees a company with 2023 revenues of 19.4 billion dollars, a portion of which comes from selling syringes to government funded needle exchange programs. Terumo, a Japanese corporation with Canadian distribution channels, is headed by CEO Shinjiro Sato, with global revenues of approximately 7.2 billion dollars in 2023. These companies profit handsomely from bulk sales to health authorities, with programs like the Ontario Harm Reduction Distribution Program distributing over 1 million needles annually in regions like Hamilton alone. The cost of each needle may be low, but the sheer volume ensures substantial profits, all subsidized by taxpayers who have no say in how their money is spent. These corporations hide behind the noble facade of public health, but their bottom lines tell a different story, one of exploitation disguised as altruism.
Naloxone kits, used to reverse overdoses, are another taxpayer funded handout, manufactured by companies like Adapt Pharma and Kaleo, both based in the United States. Adapt Pharma, now part of Emergent BioSolutions, is led by CEO Richard Harris, with Emergent reporting 1.1 billion dollars in revenue in 2023. Kaleo, a private company, is headed by CEO G. Mark Elrod, and while exact financials are not public, its naloxone product, Evzio, is a high priced item distributed through government programs. These companies benefit from Canada’s aggressive push to make naloxone widely available, with kits provided free at supervised consumption sites and vending machines. The cost to taxpayers is staggering, as each kit represents a direct transfer of public funds to corporate coffers, with no clear evidence that these programs reduce overall addiction rates. Instead, they perpetuate a cycle where addicts rely on government supplied tools to continue their habits, while companies like Adapt Pharma and Kaleo profit from the crisis.
The safer supply medications, prescribed to replace street drugs, are an even more egregious aspect of this scheme, as they involve pharmaceutical grade opioids that mimic the effects of illegal drugs. Methadone, buprenorphine, hydromorphone, slow release oral morphine, and diacetylmorphine are dispensed through programs like the MySafe initiative in Vancouver, which uses biometric vending machines to distribute hydromorphone to registered users. These medications are manufactured by pharmaceutical giants, each with executives reaping massive salaries while taxpayers fund their products. Mallinckrodt, a key methadone producer, is under bankruptcy protection but was previously led by CEO Mark Trudeau, who earned over 10 million dollars annually in compensation before stepping down. Mylan, now part of Viatris, produces methadone and is led by CEO Scott Smith, with Viatris reporting 15.4 billion dollars in 2023 revenues. Indivior, the maker of buprenorphine, is headed by CEO Mark Crossley, with 2023 revenues of 1.1 billion dollars, driven by addiction treatment drugs. Purdue Pharma, notorious for its role in the opioid crisis, produces hydromorphone and is managed by a board of trustees following legal restructuring, with former CEO Craig Landau having earned millions during his tenure. Teva Pharmaceuticals, another hydromorphone supplier, is led by CEO Richard Francis, with global revenues of 15.8 billion dollars in 2023. These companies profit immensely from government contracts, as safer supply programs purchase their drugs in bulk, passing the cost to taxpayers while executives enjoy lavish salaries and bonuses.
The financial scale of this operation is staggering, with taxpayers bearing the brunt of a system that prioritizes corporate profits over genuine solutions. The 144 million dollars proposed in Budget 2023 for the Substance Use and Addictions Program is just the tip of the iceberg, with over 750 million dollars committed since 2017 to more than 460 projects, including 29 safer supply pilots. British Columbia’s 22.6 million dollar investment in safer supply services adds to the tally, funding everything from crack pipes to prescription opioids. While exact costs for individual items like crack pipes or needles are not publicly broken down, the sheer volume of supplies distributed, such as the 124,716 harm reduction kits provided by Toronto’s SASSY vending machines in 2023 2024, indicates a massive expenditure. Each kit, needle, or pill represents a transaction where public money flows to private companies, with no clear accounting of how much profit is made. This lack of transparency is a deliberate shield, allowing corporations to hide their windfalls while politicians claim they are addressing a public health crisis.
The politicians enabling this scheme are equally complicit, using their positions to push policies that benefit their corporate allies while ignoring the devastation caused by addiction. Carolyn Bennett, former Minister of Mental Health and Addictions, announced the 144 million dollar Budget 2023 allocation, framing it as a compassionate response to the overdose crisis. Yet her rhetoric masks the reality that these funds enrich pharmaceutical and medical supply companies, with no evidence that safer supply programs reduce long term addiction rates. In British Columbia, Sheila Malcolmson, Minister of Mental Health and Addictions, championed the 22.6 million dollar safer supply expansion, working with health authorities and stakeholders like the First Nations Health Authority to implement these programs. Bonnie Henry, British Columbia’s provincial health officer, endorsed the policy, claiming it meets people where they are at, but this is a hollow justification for handing out free drug paraphernalia and medications. These officials operate within a system that rewards compliance with corporate interests, with potential connections to pharmaceutical lobbyists and industry insiders that remain undisclosed. For instance, the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, led by figures like Mike Serr, supports safer supply, raising questions about whether law enforcement is pressured to align with government agendas that benefit corporate partners.
The connections between politicians, health officials, and corporations are murky, with a revolving door of influence that suggests corruption. Pharmaceutical companies like Purdue Pharma and Teva have historically donated to political campaigns and lobbied for policies that expand their markets, including addiction treatment drugs. While specific donations to Canadian politicians are not always public, the industry’s influence is evident in the rapid expansion of safer supply programs, which directly increase demand for their products. Health Canada’s collaboration with private companies like Recovery Care, which operates safer supply programs in Ottawa, further blurs the line between public health and private profit. Charles Breau, a physician with Ottawa Inner City Health and Recovery Care, writes prescriptions for hundreds of patients, funded by public health insurance, ensuring a steady revenue stream for companies like Indivior and Teva. The lack of public scrutiny into these relationships allows politicians and executives to operate with impunity, profiting from a crisis they claim to be solving.
This entire operation is a business, plain and simple, dressed up as public health to deflect criticism. For decades, dealing drugs was a crime, punishable by years in prison, yet now the government has legalized its own version of drug distribution, using taxpayer money to buy and distribute paraphernalia and medications. The hypocrisy is staggering, as ordinary citizens face legal consequences for similar actions, while the government hides behind exemptions in the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act. The decriminalization of small amounts of hard drugs in British Columbia, effective since 2023, further normalizes this system, allowing possession of up to 2.5 grams of opioids, cocaine, and methamphetamine without penalty, while public drug use remains illegal. This policy does not address root causes but perpetuates addiction by providing the tools and drugs to continue it, all while companies like Exchange Supplies, Becton Dickinson, and Purdue Pharma profit. The government’s claim that these programs save lives is dubious, as studies like those cited in the Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment show mixed results, with no clear evidence that safer supply reduces long term addiction or mortality rates.
The social cost of this scheme is devastating, with communities left to deal with the fallout. In Cobourg, Ontario, volunteer run pop up inhalation sites have sparked outrage, with town councils threatening fines of up to 50,000 dollars for zoning violations, yet the government continues to fund similar initiatives. Families lose loved ones to addiction, communities witness open drug use, and taxpayers are forced to subsidize a system that enables rather than resolves the crisis. The stigma faced by addicts is not alleviated by handing them free pipes and drugs, it is reinforced by a system that treats them as perpetual dependents, incapable of recovery. Meanwhile, executives like Christopher DelOrefice, Richard Francis, and Mark Crossley enjoy multimillion dollar salaries, funded indirectly by the same taxpayers who see their communities deteriorate.
In conclusion, the Canadian government’s harm reduction and safer supply programs are a grotesque misuse of taxpayer money, a legalized drug dealing operation that enriches corporations while failing to address the root causes of addiction. Companies like Exchange Supplies, Becton Dickinson, Terumo, Adapt Pharma, Mallinckrodt, Mylan, Indivior, Purdue Pharma, and Teva profit from bulk sales of paraphernalia and medications, with executives like Christopher DelOrefice, Shinjiro Sato, Richard Harris, Scott Smith, Mark Crossley, and Richard Francis reaping massive salaries. Politicians like Carolyn Bennett and Sheila Malcolmson, along with health officials like Bonnie Henry, push these policies under the guise of compassion, but their connections to corporate interests and lack of transparency suggest a deeper agenda. The 144 million dollars in Budget 2023, 400 million dollars since 2017, and 22.6 million dollars in British Columbia are just the visible costs, with untold profits flowing to corporations shielded by government contracts. This is not public health, it is a corrupt business scheme that exploits addicts, burdens taxpayers, and undermines the rule of law, all while claiming to save lives. The public deserves accountability, not excuses, and this report demands an end to this shameful enterprise. For further details, refer to Government of Canada Budget 2023, British Columbia Ministry of Mental Health and Addictions announcements, and corporate financial reports from Teva, Viatris, and Indivior.[](https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/news/2023/04/government-of-canada-highlights-144-million-from-budget-2023-that-would-help-address-harms-related-to-substance-use-across-canada.html)[](https://news.gov.bc.ca/releases/2021MMHA0035-001375)[](https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/news/2022/07/health-canada-announces-suap-funding-to-support-people-who-use-substances-across-canada.html)
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